PRIME Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim wants a strong government in Sabah under the leadership of the chief minister Datuk Seri Hajiji Noor.
There is nothing wrong with this expectation. Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) is part of the unity government at the federal level.
So, it is in the interest of Anwar to maintain a status quo in Sabah as long it doesn’t rock the boat at the federal level. Anwar made it a point to visit Sabah to understand the situation and perhaps offer his advice.
As he himself has said, all he could do was to advise, and the rest was up to the politicians in Sabah.
I am not sure about the exact position of Deputy Prime Minister and current UMNO president Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi.
All we know is that he had said earlier that he had a formula to solve the crisis in Sabah. However, I am not sure what this formula is and whether it could stand the rapidly changing politics in Sabah.
Why the revolt
Both Anwar and Zahid were there in Sabah ostensibly to diffuse the crisis.
Haijji might have the support of 44 state assemblymen including the nominated ones out of the total of 79. But unfortunately, simple or solid majority doesn’t mean anything in Sabah politics.
The bloc movement of politicians from one political divide to another might render the notion of majority or minority support irrelevant.
If Hajiji was accepted as the chief minister of Sabah what was the quarrel then? Why did the deputy chief minister and Sabah UMNO leader Bung Moktar Radin sought to form another coalition with Warisan chief Shafie Apdal to challenge Hajji?
Five UMNO assemblymen might have come out to support Hajiji but the battle remains to be won by Hajji. At the moment, the Sabah state government is in a condition of fragility.
Hajiji might get more support from others but he might lose it, too. Such is the volatile nature of Sabah politics.
Why was there the revolt by Bung aided by Warisan and some small parties? Was there a promise by both Anwar and Zahid that was not honoured?
Or whether Bung and his UMNO colleagues did not receive the right kind of material remuneration? Or was it because Hajiji or GRS is yet to severe its umbilical cord from Bersatu or Perikatan Nasional (PN).
Or is there some surreptitious or clandestine moves by PN to undermine the present Sabah state government before knocking the federal government at Putrajaya?
Political patronage
Even though the unity government anchored by PH seems stable, there is always the possibility that regional politics might undermine the stability.
PN might even shift its strategy from Sheraton in Petaling Jaya, London to Kota Kinabalu, the capital of Sabah.
Why go to London when there are propitious circumstances present themselves in Sabah to undermine the unity government in Putrajaya?
The present political crises in Sabah leading to the withdrawal of support by UMNO, Warisan and others might be multi-dimensional in nature.
It is not a simple straightforward intended ouster the state government of Hajji. It is about forming a new government in Sabah ostensibly under the leadership of Bung supported by Shafie.
It is not just about forming a new government but about the huge benefits to be derived from power and political patronage.
Anything less than these motivations cannot be termed as Sabah politics. At the end of the day, analysts of Sabah politics might agree that the musical chairs phenomenon will be an on-going process.
Even if Bung becomes the chief minister, it is the question of how long he will last. Can Sabah politicians come out of their respective shells to put the state and nation above their narrow-minded interests?
I really wonder how the politicians in Sabah who often talk about the rights and privileges of Sabah can translate these ideas without being subdued by crass materialism and greed. – Jan 10, 2023
Prof Ramasamy Palanisamy is the state assemblyperson for Perai. He is also Deputy Chief Minister II of Penang.
The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Focus Malaysia.
